NEWS: American Psychiatric Assn. Debates Psychiatric Survivors & Allies

mindfreedom-news at intenex.net mindfreedom-news at intenex.net
Thu Jul 27 13:51:38 CDT 2006


NEWS: Your Mind & Your Freedom - 1 August 2006
http://www.MindFreedom.org - please forward

    The American Psychiatric Association Published
    A Heated Debate About Psychiatric Survivors,
    Mental Health Consumers and "Antipsychiatry."

    The Debate Mentions MindFreedom Several Times,
    And The APA Published Replies From MindFreedom.

    BELOW read the debate, letters, essay and more.

The American Psychiatric Association has published a heated back-and- 
forth debate in the August 2006 issue of their _Psychiatric Services_  
journal about the history of the social change movement for human  
rights and alternatives in the mental health system.

The debate mentions MindFreedom International a number of times. The  
American Psychiatric Association published ten letters, including  
several by MindFreedom members, board and staff.

BELOW are two of these published letters, along with the original  
essay that sparked this controversy about our movement's history  
published in their June 2006 issue, plus how you may read all ten  
published letters.

Please forward this exchange widely to help inform the media and public.

~~~~~~~~~~

_Psychiatric Services_ 57:1212, August 2006

published by American Psychiatric Association

Letter

The Evolution of the Consumer Movement

To the Editor: The essay "Evolution of the Antipsychiatry Movement  
Into Mental Health Consumerism" (1) in the June issue attempts to  
impose false labels and a skewed history on activists for human  
rights in mental health, including the nonprofit organization that I  
direct, MindFreedom International.

The origin of our social change movement cannot be traced to a few  
antipsychiatry theoreticians and campus intellectuals. Many of us  
actually credit the civil rights movement and our own experiences of  
psychiatric abuse as the original sources of our inspiration. We can  
and do organize on our own. The authors use the undefined term  
"antipsychiatry" 34 times in their essay, applying that label to many  
of us who do not describe ourselves or our groups in that way. There  
are, for example, compassionate, practicing psychiatrists who play an  
active role in MindFreedom.

The authors claim that psychiatry has addressed our key grievances  
"to some degree." Even if some psychiatrists have reduced the dosages  
of neuroleptics prescribed, overall neuroleptic prescriptions are  
skyrocketing. Neuroleptic prescriptions for youths have shot up more  
than fivefold in less than a decade (2). From our perspective, both  
electroshock and psychosurgery have experienced a resurgence in  
popularity within psychiatry and the mainstream press. Many states  
have greatly expanded commitment criteria, and most states have  
implemented involuntary outpatient commitment. Courts now order some  
MindFreedom members who live peacefully in their own homes to take  
neuroleptics involuntarily.

The authors appear to observe us from afar through a flawed lens,  
which may explain their factual errors. The well-respected activist  
Leonard Roy Frank is not the founder of Support Coalition  
International. Support Coalition International and MindFreedom  
International are not two separate organizations--our name change  
occurred in 2005. The essay aligns the history of our movement with  
the "radical left" to a great extent, ignoring decades of outstanding  
work by conservatives and libertarians in fighting psychiatric abuse.  
Today, conservatives lead the grassroots opposition to mental health  
screening in schools.

Consider the bias inherent in this sentence: "Psychiatry continues to  
fight antipsychiatry disinformation on the use of involuntary  
commitment, electroconvulsive therapy, stimulants and antidepressants  
among children, and neuroleptics among adults." The authors appear to  
transmogrify into "antipsychiatry disinformation" all public  
education efforts that are inconsistent with the American Psychiatric  
Association's official position.

This is my 30th year working for human rights and alternatives in the  
mental health system. We have made mistakes. We are not perfect. But  
I am very proud of our social change movement, which includes  
concerned family members, advocates, attorneys, mental health  
professionals, and interested members of the public. The authors  
claim that the psychiatric profession finds it difficult to  
communicate with us. The fact is that the American Psychiatric  
Association has generally refused our repeated invitations for  
conversation.

Somehow, some people who have experienced serious human rights  
violations in the mental health system--including unscientific  
labeling, forced drugging, solitary confinement, restraints,  
involuntary commitment, electroshock, and more--have reached deep  
within the human spirit and found the power to speak out and unite  
nonviolently (3). Please reply with dialogue, not distortion.

David Oaks

Footnotes

Mr. Oaks is director of MindFreedom International, Eugene, Oregon.

References

1. Rissmiller D, Rissmiller J: Evolution of the Antipsychiatry  
Movement Into Mental Health Consumerism. Psychiatric Services  
57:863-866,2006

2. Carey B: Use of antipsychotics by the young rose fivefold. New  
York Times, June 6, 2006, p A18

3. Mahler J, Unzicker R, Foner J, et al: Taking issue with taking  
issue: "psychiatric survivors" reconsidered. Psychiatric Services  
48:601,1997

~~~~~~~~~~

_Psychiatric Services_ 57:1214, August 2006

published by American Psychiatric Association

Letter

To the Editor: Psychiatric Services has done a disservice to any of  
its readers who might want an accurate picture of our movement for  
the human rights of psychiatric consumers/survivors. Anyone familiar  
with our history would have a hard time recognizing us from the  
bizarre and highly inaccurate article that appeared in your most  
recent issue.

The authors got it partly right when they mentioned two of our long- 
time leaders, Leonard Frank and Judi Chamberlin. If the authors had  
interviewed either of them, their account might have some resemblance  
to reality. Instead, the authors seem to have relied completely on  
articles and books, rather than first-hand reports from the people  
who have actually been involved.

As for myself, my 35 years of activity in our movement wasn't  
inspired by any books written by Drs. Szasz or Laing or the other  
seminal thinkers named, although I respect their contributions. It  
came about from my ten years in a state hospital as a child, after I  
received electroshock treatment at age six at the hands of one of the  
profession's most honored child psychiatrists. And most activists in  
our movement have also become involved because of their own experiences.

Though I would hardly expect a journal of the American Psychiatric  
Association to support our criticisms of psychiatry, I think that it  
would be much more useful for your readers--and more interesting--if  
you exposed them to accurate reports of our positions and activities.  
Any psychiatrist who relied on articles such as this to get a picture  
of our movement would be living in a dream world.

Ted Chabasinski, J.D.

Footnotes

Mr. Chabasinski is a patients' rights attorney, Berkeley, California.  
[Ted is also a MindFreedom International board member.]

~~~~~~~~~~

HOW TO READ ALL TEN LETTERS:

For a limited time, at no cost you may download a PDF with all ten  
letters, and/or read the text of each of the ten letters, in the  
August 2006 issue of _Psychiatric Services_ on the APA's web site:

http://ps.psychiatryonline.org/content/vol57/issue8/?etoc#LETTERS

or use this smaller web address:

http://tinyurl.com/r8vqp

When these letters become unavailable from the APA for free, go to  
the MindFreedom International web site for information about how to  
access them at no cost, or contact the MindFreedom office.

~~~~~~~~~~

BELOW is the text of the original essay:

~~~~~~~~~~

_Psychiatric Services_ 57:863-866, June 2006

published by American Psychiatric Association

Evolution of the Antipsychiatry Movement Into Mental Health Consumerism

by David J. Rissmiller, D.O. and Joshua H. Rissmiller

Abstract

This essay reviews the history and evolution of the antipsychiatry  
movement. Radical antipsychiatry over several decades has changed  
from an antiestablishment campus-based movement to a patient-based  
consumerist movement. The antecedents of the movement are traced to a  
crisis in self-conception between biological and psychoanalytic  
psychiatry occurring during a decade characterized by other radical  
movements. It was promoted through the efforts of its four seminal  
thinkers: Michel Foucault in France, R. D. Laing in Great Britain,  
Thomas Szasz in the United States, and Franco Basaglia in Italy. They  
championed the concept that personal reality and freedom were  
independent of any definition of normalcy that organized psychiatry  
tried to impose. The original antipsychiatry movement made major  
contributions but also had significant weaknesses that ultimately  
undermined it. Today, antipsychiatry adherents have a broader base  
and no longer focus on dismantling organized psychiatry but look to  
promote radical consumerist reform.

Radical antipsychiatry in the past four decades has changed from an  
influential international movement dominated by intellectual  
psychiatrists to an ex-patient consumerist coalition fighting against  
pharmacological treatment, coercive hospitalizations, and other  
authoritarian psychiatric practices. This Open Forum article explores  
the history of the antipsychiatry movement and attempts to define how  
the movement has evolved.

The antecedents of the antipsychiatry movement can be traced to the  
early 1950s, when deep divisions were developing between biological  
and psychoanalytic psychiatrists. Psychoanalytic psychiatry, which  
had exerted unchallenged control of the profession for decades,  
endorsed treatment that was subjective and dynamic and that involved  
protracted psychotherapy. It was being challenged by biological  
psychiatry, which claimed that psychoanalysis was unscientific,  
costly, and ineffective.

Conversely, an outcry was mounting against psychiatry's practice of  
compulsory admission of mental patients to state institutions, where  
they were coerced into taking high doses of neuroleptic drugs and  
undergoing convulsive and psychosurgical procedures. The  
antipsychiatry movement arose as a group of scholarly psychoanalysts  
and sociologists shaped an organized opposition to what were  
perceived as biological psychiatry's abuses in the name of science.  
This protest was joined by a 1960s worldwide counterculture that was  
already rebelling against all forms of political, sexual, and racial  
injustice.

The term "antipsychiatry" was first coined in 1967 by the South  
African psychoanalyst David Cooper (1) well after the movement was  
already under way. It was internationally promoted through the  
efforts of its four seminal thinkers, Michel Foucault in France, R.  
D. Laing in Great Britain, Thomas Szasz in the United States, and  
Franco Basaglia in Italy. All four championed the concept that  
personal reality was independent from any hegemonic definition of  
normalcy imposed by organized psychiatry.

In Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of  
Reason (2), Foucault traced the social context of mental illness and  
noted that external economic and cultural interests have always  
defined it. During the Renaissance, madmen were characterized as  
fools who figured prominently in the writings of Shakespeare and  
Cervantes. Beginning in the 17th century, madmen were confined and  
locked away, justified by the state's "imperative of labor." The  
poor, criminals, and the insane were all isolated as a condemnation  
of anyone unwilling or unable to compete for gainful employment.

In the early 1800s madmen were separated from prisoners and beggars  
and forced into hospitals run by medical doctors. Madness was  
reinvented as a disease, and inhumane treatment was begun. It  
consisted of classification, custody, and coercion by a psychiatric  
authority, which operated as an arm of the state, ridding it of  
unwanted individuals. Psychiatry became "a jurisdiction without  
appeal ... between the police and the courts ... a third order of  
repression" (2).

While Foucault was writing in France in the early 1960s, R. D. Laing,  
in England, joined other authors of the period who were describing  
the social origins of behavior. Fanon (3) demonstrated how blacks  
often would fulfill racist stereotypes; Lessing (4), how women  
commonly conformed to society's expectation of passivity and  
femininity; and Goffman (5), how patients, stripped of normal social  
responsibilities, developed institutional behavior. Laing promoted  
the idea that severe mental illness, similarly, had a social causality.

In The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and Madness (6),  
a best-seller in colleges across the United States and Great Britain,  
Laing noted that a patient with psychosis could be viewed in one of  
two ways: "One may see his behaviour as 'signs' of a 'disease' [or]  
one may see his behaviour as expressive of his existence." For Laing,  
paranoid delusions were not signs of an illness but an understandable  
reaction to an inescapable and persecutory social order. If Laing was  
correct, and schizophrenia were not a disease but rather an  
existential fight for personal freedom, then logic allows that it  
could be cured through social remediation. Laing, through the  
Philadelphia Association founded with Cooper in 1965, set up over 20  
therapeutic communities throughout England where staff and patients  
assumed equal status and any medication used was voluntary. A  
recounting of a seven-week stay in one of these communities was  
chronicled in the 1972 film Asylum (7).

Other psychoanalysts were also exploring the social context  
surrounding mental illness. Thomas Szasz, having recently been  
appointed to the faculty of the State University of New York, in 1957  
wrote his most influential paper, "The Myth of Mental Illness." Over  
the next three years, it was rejected by at least six psychiatric  
journals, including the American Journal of Psychiatry, until it was  
finally accepted for publication in the American Psychologist (8) in  
1960. As the antipsychiatry movement gained momentum, this article  
became the core of his best-selling book (9) by the same name and the  
slogan around which many in the movement rallied.

Because schizophrenia demonstrated no discernible brain lesion, Szasz  
believed its classification as a disease was a fiction perpetrated by  
organized psychiatry to gain power. The state, searching for a way to  
exclude nonconformists and dissidents, legitimized psychiatry's  
coercive practices. Equating the resulting psychiatry-government  
collusion with the Spanish Inquisition, Szasz (10) called it "the  
single most destructive force that has affected American society  
within the last 50 years." Such a conspiratorial link between the  
government and psychiatry was an appealing concept to such  
counterculture icons as Timothy Leary (11), who, preceding his  
termination from Harvard, wrote to Szasz in 1961 that "the Myth of  
Mental Illness is the most important book in the history of  
psychiatry ... perhaps ... the most important book published in the  
twentieth century."

Citing the principle of "separation of church and state," Szasz  
argued for a similarly clear division between "psychiatry and state."  
Otherwise, the state would ultimately corrupt psychiatry for its own  
purposes, as occurred in Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. As a  
preventive measure, Szasz helped launch the Libertarian Party in  
1971, and its platform called for a halt to government-psychiatry  
mind control operations.

Others involved in the antipsychiatry movement were even more  
condemning. In 1969, Scientology's charismatic founder, L. Ron  
Hubbard (12), wrote, "There is not one institutional psychiatrist  
alive who ... could not be arraigned and convicted of extortion,  
mayhem and murder." Hubbard and Szasz cofounded the still powerful  
Citizens Commission on Human Rights, which encouraged the arrest and  
incarceration of psychiatrists for their crimes against humanity.

Alliances were formed with other contemporary activist groups. In May  
1970, hundreds in the antipsychiatry movement joined gay activists in  
forming a human chain barring psychiatrists from entering the  
American Psychiatric Association's 124th annual meeting. During a  
similar disruption the following year, gay activist Frank Kameny  
grabbed the podium and declared war on psychiatry for its DSM  
classification of homosexuality as a psychiatric disorder. Wanting  
the protests to stop, the American Psychiatric Association formed a  
task force, which, by a vote of 58 percent, officially deleted  
homosexuality as a mental illness in 1973.

Psychiatry's purported abuse of patients was popularized in Kesey's  
1962 novel, One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest (13), which contributed  
to reforms in mental health public policy. David Bazelon, a jurist of  
the powerful United States Court of Appeals for the District of  
Columbia, deplored authoritarian psychiatric practices. In 1966, he  
established in Lake v. Cameron that all psychiatric treatment must be  
carried out in the least restrictive setting possible. In the early  
1970s the antipsychiatry attorney Bruce Ennis created the "Mental  
Health Bar." Its goal was to completely abolish involuntary  
commitments or prevent them by making them too arduous to secure.  
These and other initiatives heralded the release of hundreds of  
thousands of patients from state hospitals.

Deinstitutionalization in Europe occurred over a decade later. The  
Italian psychiatrist Franco Basaglia, its leading proponent, while  
working at the asylum in Trieste, came to believe that mental illness  
was not a disease but rather an expression of human needs. Over the  
next decade he personally mobilized an antipsychiatry movement in  
Italy that culminated in the 1978 Italian National Reform Bill that  
banned all asylums and compulsory admissions and established  
community hospital psychiatric units, which were restricted to 15  
beds. This reorganization of mental health services in Italy resulted  
in the "democratic psychiatry movement," wherein hundreds of  
psychiatric institutions were closed throughout Europe, New Zealand,  
and Australia, including many in Ireland and Finland, where the  
highest number of asylum beds were located.

Despite such notable successes and after nearly two decades of  
prominence, the international antipsychiatry movement began to  
dramatically diminish in the early 1980s, both in visibility and  
impact. Organized psychiatry, by addressing some of the movement's  
key grievances, was able to defuse it to some degree. The adoption of  
the biopsychosocial model narrowed the gap between analytic and  
biological practitioners. Neurotransmitter discoveries and  
schizophrenia twin registries offered support that schizophrenia was  
at least partially biologically based. As comparison studies failed  
to support efficacy and as tardive dyskinesia became more apparent,  
psychiatrists markedly reduced dosages of neuroleptics prescribed.  
Electroconvulsive therapy and psychosurgery became marginalized as  
treatments and compulsory commitments came under close judicial  
scrutiny.

But by far the most important determinant of the movement's demise  
was its loss of broad-based support. To a great extent, the  
antipsychiatry movement was derived from its close relationship to  
other progressive leftist coalitions that, by association and  
overlapping membership, supported the movement. With the decline of  
other student, feminist, gay, and black coalitions, the  
antipsychiatry movement could no longer rely on counterculture  
support. The radical left, with its utopian vision, was being  
replaced, worldwide, by an emerging conservative political landscape.  
Since the antipsychiatry movement's raison d'être was inherently  
antiestablishment, it, like the other militant movements of the day,  
was at risk of becoming increasingly irrelevant.

The mental health consumerist movement offered a struggling  
antipsychiatry coalition the mainstream collaborator it needed for  
rejuvenation. Since its inception in the early 1900s by former  
patient Clifford Beers and through organizations such as the Anti- 
Insane Asylum Society and the National Committee on Mental Hygiene,  
the consumerist movement had achieved significant international  
mental health reforms. Its tactics of forming political alliances and  
lobbying instead of confrontation appealed to conservative  
politicians who were weary of civil disobedience. The movement's  
vision of patients helping one another addressed a growing concern  
over the cost of mental health treatment.

But consumerists considered the antipsychiatry movement as "largely  
an intellectual exercise of academics" (14). Consumerists wanted to  
keep their movement in the hands of prior patients. They had no  
interest in being led by psychiatrist intellectuals who had done  
little during the antipsychiatry movement to "reach out to struggling  
ex-patients" (14). As a result, as the antipsychiatry movement  
evolved from being campus based to being patient based, its founders  
were marginalized as bystanders to a movement they had begun.  
Appelbaum (15) in 1994 observed, "Now, more than three decades  
later, ... Szasz, Laing, and their colleagues are no longer  
fixtures ... and ... most college and graduate students have never  
heard of them or their argument that mental illness is a socially  
derived myth."

With over a half million deinstitutionalized patients to draw from,  
there was a potential for the new antipsychiatry consumerist  
coalition to be extensive. Many former patients, angry about the  
coercive treatment they had received and looking for support and  
identity, would be ideal carriers of the antipsychiatry message. They  
joined local consumerist radical groups, and new ex-patient leaders  
arose. Leonard Frank, founder of Support Coalition International,  
after undergoing over 80 insulin comas and electroshock treatments,  
became electroshock therapy's new outspoken critic. Ex-patient Judi  
Chamberlin, cofounder of the Mental Patients Liberation Front,  
mobilized the movement with On Our Own: Patient-Controlled  
Alternatives to the Mental Health System (16).

The formative years of this movement in the United States saw  
"survivors" promoting their antipsychiatry, self-determination  
message through small, disconnected groups, including the Insane  
Liberation Front, the Mental Patients' Liberation project, the Mental  
Patient's Liberation Front, and the Network Against Psychiatric  
Assault. The fragmented networks communicated through their annual  
Conference on Human Rights and Psychiatric Oppression (held from 1973  
to 1985), through the ex-patient-run Madness Network News (from 1972  
to 1986), and through the annual "Alternatives" conference funded by  
the National Institute of Mental Health for mental health consumers  
(from 1985 to the present). Similar groups arose throughout Canada  
and, later, Europe, where the name "survivor" brought more public  
criticism because of its association with the holocaust. The movement  
searched for a unifying medium through which to integrate.

The growing Internet "global community" offered just such a medium.  
Numerous radical antipsychiatry Web sites, such as Support Coalition  
International, Citizens Commission on Human Rights, the  
Antipsychiatry Coalition, and MindFreedom International, linked  
antipsychiatry movements in over 30 countries. Their capacity to  
instantaneously reach millions meant that "despite its modest head  
count, the consumer/survivor movement ... exerted a significant  
sociopolitical influence on the mental health care system" (17). By  
avoiding the antipsychiatry movement flaw of being radicalized  
without being politicized, radical consumerists continued to maintain  
informal ties with more conservative consumerist organizations such  
as the National Alliance for the Mentally Ill in the United States  
and the Mental Health Foundation in England. Mainstream consumerist  
groups benefited from such unofficial relationships through increased  
impact in grassroots lobbying and legislative advocacy efforts.

Such joint efforts exerted a palpable effect. In 1986 the survivor- 
antipsychiatry-consumerist triumvirate succeeded in getting Congress  
to mandate independent protection and advocacy programs for people  
with mental illness in all 50 states. The mission to investigate  
allegations of patient abuse came with a mandate that at least 60  
percent of the membership of the governing advocacy councils be ex- 
psychiatric patients or their families.

In 2000 the National Council on Disability, an independent federal  
agency charged with making recommendations to the President and  
Congress, heard strong antipsychiatry testimony from survivors  
"describing how people with psychiatric disabilities have been  
beaten, shocked, isolated, incarcerated, restricted, raped, deprived  
of food and bathroom privileges, and physically and psychologically  
abused in institutions." The council concluded that "People with  
psychiatric disabilities are routinely deprived of their rights in a  
way no other disability group has been [and] ... the manner in which  
American society treats people with psychiatric disabilities  
constitutes a national emergency and a national disgrace" (18).

Radical consumerists were instrumental in getting the United Nations  
General Assembly to adopt its 1991 Principles for the Protection of  
Persons With Mental Illness and the Improvement of Mental Health  
Care. In 2002 the Scientology-funded Commission on Human Rights  
successfully petitioned the Secretary-General of the United Nations  
to report annually to the General Assembly on the progress of human  
rights, including as it relates to persons with mental illness.

Organized psychiatry has found it difficult to have a constructive  
dialogue with the evolving radical consumerist movement. Consumerist  
groups are viewed as extremist, having little scientific foundation  
and no defined leadership. The profession sees them as continually  
trying to restrict "the work of psychiatrists and care for the  
seriously mentally ill" (17). Psychiatry continues to fight  
antipsychiatry disinformation on the use of involuntary commitment,  
electroconvulsive therapy, stimulants and antidepressants among  
children, and neuroleptics among adults.

Conversely, radical consumerists remain disinclined to soften their  
antipsychiatry stance toward a territorial and biologically oriented  
profession that, in their view, has profited from patients it  
neglected and abused. Seeing themselves as "the last minority" (17),  
unfairly stigmatized by psudoscientific classification, and denied  
self-determination, they will undoubtedly continue to play an  
assertive role in the delivery of mental health services worldwide.

Footnotes

Dr. Rissmiller is affiliated with the Department of Psychiatry,  
School of Osteopathic Medicine, University of Medicine and Dentistry  
of New Jersey, Cherry Hill, New Jersey 08002 (e-mail,  
rissmidj at umdnj.edu). Mr. Rissmiller is attending Harvard College in  
Cambridge, Massachusetts.

References

1 Cooper D: Psychiatry and Anti-Psychiatry. London, Tavistock  
Publications, 1967

2 Foucault M: Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the  
Age of Reason. New York, Random House, 1965

3 Fanon F: The Wretched of the Earth. New York, Grove Press, 1963

4 Lessing DM: The Golden Notebook. New York, Simon and Schuster, 1962

5 Goffman E: Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental  
Patients and Other Inmates. New York, Anchor Books, 1961

6 Laing RD: The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and  
Madness. Harmondsworth, England, Penguin, 1960

7 Robinson P (director): Asylum. Kino Video, 1972

8 Szasz TS: The myth of mental illness. American Psychologist  
15:113-118,1960

9 Szasz TS: The Myth of Mental Illness: Foundations of a Theory of  
Personal Conduct. New York, Hoeber-Harper, 1961

10 Szasz TS: The Manufacture of Madness: A Comparative Study of the  
Inquisition and the Mental Health Movement. New York, Harper and Row,  
1970

11 Leary T: A letter from Timothy Leary, Ph.D., July 17, 1961.  
Available at www.szasz.com/leary.html

12 Hubbard LR: Crime and psychiatry, June 23, 1969. Available at  
http://freedom. lronhubbard.org/page080.htm

13 Kesey K: One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest. New York, Viking Press,  
1962

14 Chamberlin J: The ex-patients' movement: where we've been and  
where we're going. Journal of Mind and Behavior 11:323-336,1990

15 Appelbaum PS: Almost a Revolution: Mental Health Law and the  
Limits of Change. New York, Oxford University Press, 1994

16 Chamberlin J: On Our Own: Patient-Controlled Alternatives to the  
Mental Health System. New York, Hawthorne, 1978

17 Satel SL, Redding RE: Sociopolitical trends in mental health care:  
the consumer/survivor movement and multiculturalism, in Kaplan and  
Sadock's Comprehensive Textbook of Psychiatry, 8th ed. Edited by  
Sadock BJ, Sadock VA. Philadelphia, Pa, Lippincott Williams and  
Wilkins, 2005

18 Bristo M: From Privileges to Rights: People Labeled With  
Psychiatric Disabilities Speak for Themselves. Washington, DC,  
National Council on Disability, Jan 20, 2000

- end -

~~~~~~~~~~

ACTION:

Please forward this alert to media and others to debunk the American  
Psychiatric Association's skewed version of our history.

~~~~~~~~~~

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~~~~~~~~~~

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